Alarm from Indian War.--"Lovewell's War."--Cause.--Encroachment of English settlers.--Indians excited.--French influence.--Sebastian Ralle.--His settlement at Nanrantsouack.--Expedition under Westbrook to seize him.--Indians attack Merry Meeting Bay, Fort George and Brunswick.--Destruction of Nanrantsouack.--Death of Ralle.--Continued attacks upon the settlements in New Hampshire.--Attack at Dunstable.--Massacre of French and his party.--Capt. Lovewell. His first expedition. Intended against the Pequauquaukes.--Their location.--Paugus and Wahowah.--Lovewell attacks a party at East Pond. Destroys the entire party.--Second expedition.--Goes against Pequauquauke.--Arrives at Pequauquauke.--Discovers and Indian.--Kills him and retires.--Our men ambushed--the fight.--Their fort deserted.--Some of the men arrive at Dunstable.--Benjamin Hassel.--Col. Tyng marches to Pequauquauke.--Gov. Wentworth sends a company to Pequauquauke.--Col. Tyng finds the battle ground and buries the dead.

The little colony of Scotch Presbyterians had hardly got quieted in the possession of their lands at Londonderry, before the alarm of war broke upon their ears; a kind of war for which their sad experience in war had made no preparation, save in courage and energy. There were those among them, who had witnessed the fierce attacks of King James' army upon the walls of Londonderry, who had assisted in repelling those assaults, while the booming cannon from the tower of its cathedral sent havoc among the troops of the besieging army--thus adding a terrific grandeur to the scene. Yet the war-whoop of the Indian reverberating through the dense, still forests of the Merrimack valley, struck terror into such hearts even.

The Indians had remained comparatively quiet for some years subsequent to the close of "Queen Anne's War," in 1713. But the gradual encroachment of the English settlers upon lands claimed by the Indians in the valleys of all the great New England rivers, became a source of continued and growing irritation. This feeling on the part of the Indians was undoubtedly fomented by the French.

At length the Indians became so exasperated, that they broke over all bounds of restraint, and kept up a continual series of annoyances against their English neighbors, "killing their cattle, burning their stacks of hay and robbing and insulting them." The English settlers attributed all these annoyances to French influence, and particularly to Sebastian Ralle, a French Jesuit, who resided among the Indians at Nanrantsouack or Norridgewog. This was an Indian village at the head of canoe navigation on the Kennebec, inhabited by people of the tribe called by the French, Abnakis. Here Father Ralle, who had spent thirty years of his life as a missionary among the Indians of North America, had built a chapel, formed a church, and was the religious teacher of that portion of the tribe upon the Kennebec. The English settlers supposed that if Ralle were out of the way, the annoyances from the Indians would cease. They therefore determined to seize him. For this purpose an expedition was fitted out under Col. Thomas Westbrook, which in the winter of 1722, proceeded to Nanrantsouack for that purpose. Ralle however fled from his home at the approach of the English troops and escaped. The expedition was fruitless, except that in Ralle's "strong box" they found letters from the Governor of Canada, clearly proving that the missionary was really engaged in exciting the Indians against their English neighbors.

The Indians could not excuse this attempt upon the person of their spiritual father and they determined upon revenge. Accordingly, early in the succeeding Summer they made a successful attack upon a settlement at Merry Meeting Bay at the mouth of the Kennebec--and attempted to take the fort at St. George, but were repulsed. In July, they attacked and destroyed Brunswick, a town upon the Amariscoggin. The Indians having thus seriously commenced hostilities, war was declared against them and proclamation made to that effect at Portsmouth and Boston. The Indians did not make their appearance in New Hampshire till the following year, when they made several serious and successful attacks in the valley of the Piscataqua. Upon this it was determined to destroy the village at Nanrantsouack, and thus get rid of the influence of Father Ralle. An expedition was forthwith planned, and in August 1624 two companies under Captains Moulton and Harman received orders to march against the devoted town.

"The captains Moulton and Harman, both of York, each at the head of a company of one hundred men, executed their orders with great address. They completely invested and surprised that village; killed the obnoxious Jesuit with about eighty of his Indians; recovered three captives; destroyed the chapel, and brought away the plate and furniture of the altar, and the devotional flag, as trophies of their victory. Ralle was then in the sixty-eighth year of his age, and had resided in his mission at Norridgewog twenty-six years; having before spent six years in traveling among the Indian nations, in the interior parts of America."¹

This successful expedition did not stop the hostilities of the Indians. On the contrary, the Fall of 1724 was marked by more than ordinary vigilance and boldness in their attacks upon the settlements in New Hampshire.

The greatest fear and excitement existed among the settlers along our whole frontier, and even in our most thickly populated towns. In this state of excitement, a clamor was raised against the government for alleged inefficiency in meeting these inroads of the enemy--and it was thought, and without doubt truly, that a volunteer system of raising troops, leaving the soldiers at liberty to choose their own officers, would produce a more effective corps of fighting men than the one adopted by the government, that of forced enlistments under officers appointed by the Governor, and oftentimes under those men who possessed few other recommendations, than that they happened to be in favor with the appointing power.

While this excitement ran the highest, an attack was made upon the town of Dunstable, in that part of "old Dunstable," now called Nashua, and two men were taken captives and carried to Canada. These were Nathan Cross and Thomas Blanchard. These men it seems had been engaged in making turpentine on the north side of the Nashua river, and while at work, were seized by the Indians. After securing the prisoners, the Indians stove their casks of turpentine and departed. Knowing that the men would be missed at night, and rightly conjecturing that they should be followed, with Indian cunning, they determined to wait in ambush for any party that might be sent in pursuit.

At night, Cross and Blanchard not arriving at their place of sleeping, which was a sawmill upon the Salmon Brook, in Nashua, it was at once supposed they had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and the alarm was given through the neighborhood.

"A party consisting of ten of the principal inhabitants of the place, besides their leader, started in pursuit of them, under the direction of Lieut. Ebenezer French. In this company was Josiah Farwell, who was next year Lieutenant at Pequaukett under Lovewell. When this company arrived at the spot where these men had been laboring, they found the hoops of the barrels cut and the turpentine spread upon the ground. From certain marks made upon the trees with wax mixed with grease, they understood that the men were taken and carried off alive."

"In the course of the examination, Farwell perceived that the turpentine had not ceased spreading, and called the attention of his comrades to this circumstance. They concluded that the Indians had been gone but a short time, and must be near, and decided on instant pursuit."

"Farwell advised them to take a circuitous route to avoid an ambush; but unfortunately he and French a short time before had a misunderstanding, and were then at variance. French imputed this advice to cowardice, and cried out, "I am going to take the direct path: if any of you are not afraid let him follow me." French led the way and the whole of the party followed, Farwell following in the read.

"Their route was up the Merrimack, towards which they bent their course to look for their horses upon the intervals. At the brook near Lutwych's (now Thornton's) Ferry they were way-laid. The Indians fired upon them and killed the larger part instantly. A few fled, but were overtaken and destroyed. French was killed about a mile from the place of action under an oak tree lately standing in the field belonging to Mr. John Lund, of Merrimack. Farwell in the read seeing those before fall, sprung behind a tree, discharged his piece, and ran. Two Indians pursued him. The chase was vigorously maintained for sometime, without either gaining much advantage, till Farwell passing through a thicket, the Indians lost sight of him, and probably fearing he might have loaded again, they desisted from farther pursuit. He was the only one of the company that escaped.

"A company from the neighborhood immediately mustered, and proceeded to the fatal spot to find the bodies of their friends and townsmen. Eight of them were found and conveyed to the burying place. "Coffins were prepared for them, and they were decently interred in one capacious grave." The names of these persons given in the Boston News Letter, were Lieut. Ebenezer French, Thomas Lund, Oliver Farwell and Ebenezer Cummings, who belonged to Dunstable, and all of whom excepting the last, left widows and children, Daniel Baldwin and John Burbank, of Woburn, and Mr. Johnson, Plainfield."²

This attack produced the greatest excitement, and a few of the bold spirits in the neighborhood determined to fight the Indians on their own ground, and in their own way, if they could get proper encouragement from the government. Accordingly, John Lovewell, Josiah Farwell and Jonathan Robins, three men of approved courage and skill in hunting and border fighting, were selected as leaders of the proposed expedition, and were requested to petition the government for encouragement in their undertaking. In pursuance of this plan, they sent to the General Assembly of Massachusetts, the following petition, the original of which is now on file in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts.

"The Humble memorial of John Lovewell, Josiah Farwell, Jonathan Robbins, all of Dunstable.                                          sheweth:

"That your petitioners, with nearly forty or fifty others, are inclinable to range and to keep out in the woods for several months together, in order to kill and destroy their enemy Indians, provided they can meet with Incouragement suitable. And your Petitioners are Imployed and desired by many others, Humbly to propose and submit to your Honors' consideration, that if such soldiers may be allowed five shillings per day in case they kill an enemy Indian and possess their scalp, they will Imploy themselves in Indian hunting one whole year; and if within that time they do not kill any, they are content to be allowed nothing for their wages, time, and trouble.

JOHN LOVEWELL.        
JOSIAH FARWELL.       
JONATHAN ROBBINS.

   Dunstable, Nov. 1624.³

In answer to the petition of Lovewell, the Legislature gave permission to raise a company "to rage, and to keep out in the woods in order to kill and destroy their enemy Indians," and voted to pay a bounty of �100 per scalp.

With such encouragement, Lovewell soon raised a company of which he was appointed Captain, Josiah Farwell, Lieutenant, and Jonathan Robbins, Ensign. Various expeditions had been set on foot before this, but with indifferent success; some had been ambushed by the enemy, and others had returned without meeting the enemy, so that Lovewell could only raise thirty men of the "near forty or fifty others" he had spoken of in his petition. But with these, he boldly marched into the wilderness for the enemy's country, in the vicinity of the Winnepesaukee. They met with no enemy till the 19th of December, when falling upon a track, they soon found a wigwam containing a man and a boy. The man was killed upon the approach of the party, and the boy was taken prisoner. For some reason the party were content with this small success, and returned forthwith to Dunstable. The boy, with the scalp, having been carried to Boston, the promised reward of �200 was paid, and a gratuity of two shillings and sixpence per day, was voted each man by the Legislature, by way of encouragement! Such encouragement started up the hunters of the region round about "old Dunstable," and when it was known that Lovewell intended to start again in quest of the "enemy Indians" at the earliest opportunity, there was no lack of recruits. Eighty-seven men mustered at Dunstable, on the 29th day of January, and under the command of the intrepid Lovewell, crossed the Merrimack, and camped on the eastern bank of the same. Their destination was the Indian country, north and east of the Winnepesaukee, a section of country occupied by the Pequaquaukes, or as they were commonly called, the Pigwockets. These Indians, made up of the remnants of the various tribes or bands of the Pennacook confederacy, had located themselves upon the branches of the Saco, where was an abundance of fish and game; and from the fact that their main village was upon the Saco, near where that river makes a noted bend or circuit of some thirty-six miles principally in what is now known as Fryeburg, Me., returning within a mile or two of the Indian village, where it commenced its detour, were called Pequauquaukes, or Indians at the crooked place; Pequauquauke, being derived from the adjective pequauquis, crooked, and auke, a place. This name, thus received, was applied to the Indians of all that region of country, and has ever since been applied to the region of country itself. The Pequauquaukes were under the control of two powerful Sagamons, Paugus, (the oak) and Wahowah, (the broad-shouldered) and from their numbers, as well as from their read communication with the French, by whom they were furnished with arms, had become quite formidable.

It was Lovewell's intention to penetrate the very heart of the Pequauquauke country, if he did not find the enemy sooner, but chance threw him upon the trail of a party of Indians fresh upon the war path, that diverted him from his original intention.

On the 20th of February, the tracks becoming fresher, the scout marched with more wariness but five miles, and came upon a wigwam but lately deserted, and pursuing "two miles further, discovered their smokes." This was near sunset, and the Indians were encamped for the night. Lovewell's party laid in "concealment till after midnight, when they advanced," as says Dr. Belknap, "and discovered ten Indians asleep round a large fire, by the side of a frozen pond."

"Lovewell now determined to make sure work; and placing his men conveniently, ordered a part of them to fire, five at once, as quick after each other as possible, and another part to reserve their fire; he gave the signal, by firing his own gun, which killed two of them; the men firing according to order killed five more on the spot; the other three starting up from their sleep, two of them were immediately shot dead by the reserve. The other, though wounded, attempted to escape by crossing the pond, but was seized by a dog and held fast till they killed him. Thus in a few minutes the whole was destroyed, and some attempt against the frontiers of New Hampshire prevented; for these Indians were marching from Canada, well furnished with new guns, and plenty of ammunition; they had also a number of spare blankets, mockaseens and snow-shoes for the accommodation of the prisoners whom they expected to take, and were within two day's march of the frontiers. The pond where this exploit was performed is at the head of a branch pond where this exploit was performed is at the head of a branch of Salmonfall river, in the township of Wakefield, and has ever since borne the name of Lovewell's pond. The action is spoken of by elderly people, at this distance of time, with an air of exultation; and considering the extreme difficulty of finding and attacking Indians in the woods, and the judicious manner in which they were so completely surprised, it was a capital exploit.

The brave company, with the ten scalps stretched on hoops, and elevated on poles, entered Dover in triumph, and proceeded thence to Boston, where they received the bounty of one hundred pounds for each, out of the public treasury."⁴

Penhallow adds: "Their arms were so new and good, that most of them were sold for seven pounds apiece, and each of them had two blankets, with a great many moccasons, which were supposed to be for the supply of captives that they expected to have taken. The plunder was but a few skins; but during the march, our men were well entertained with moose, bear and deer, together with salmon trout, some of which were three feet long, and weighed twelve pounds apiece."⁵

This success was hailed with joy and triumph throughout the Provinces. Other expeditions were set on foot, but without success, among them, Col. Tyng of Dunstable, headed one and marched into the country betwixt Pemegewasset and Winnepesaukee, but after a month's absence, returned without taking a scalp.

The ill success of Tyng and others, only excited Lovewell to greater efforts, and he soon raised another company of men with the avowed object of penetrating the Pequauquauke country, and attacking bold Paugus in his own home. Paugus had frequently been at Dunstable, and was personally known to most of the hunters of the valley of the Merrimack, as a bold and wily chieftain, at the head of a band of fierce warriors, who, instigated by the French, had taken part in many of the attacks upon the frontiers.

Lovewell's company consisted of forty-six men besides himself, including a chaplain and surgeon. upon the eve of marching, a friend and neighbor warned Lovewell to be upon his guard against the ambuscades of the Indiands; but Lovewell, flushed with the excitement of the occasion, and confident of his own knowledge in Indian warfare, replied, "That he did not care for them," and bending down a small elm sapling, by which he was standing, continued, "that he could treat the Indians in the same way."⁶ The expedition started about the 16th of April, 1725, answering to 27th of April, new style. It is probable, but not certain, that they followed the route of the preceding expedition. When out but a short time, Toby, a friendly Indian attached to the expedition, becoming lame was sent back with great reluctance on his part. At Contoocook, William Cummings, of Dunstable, became so lame in consequence of a wound received from the enemy some time previous, that he was obliged to return home, a kinsman, possibly Josiah Cummings, returning with him to assist him on his way.

They then marched without any unusual incident, to Ossipee lake, where one of their number, Benjamin Kidder of Nutfield, now Londonderry, being sick, they built a small fort, as a place of refuge, in case of mishap. While the fort was building, a portion of the men were kept out on scout duty, and discovered the tracks of Indians. After a tarry of two or three days, leaving the sick man, the doctor to take charge of him, and Sergeant Nathaniel Woods, of Dunstable, with seven men to hold the fort, Lovewell and his men, now reduced in number to thirty-four, boldly marched for Pequauquauke, distant some twenty miles. The names of these thirty-four men were:

The company continued their march in a northerly direction, with great caution, fancying they had been discovered by the Indians. On Friday, the 7th of May, they heard a gun as they approached the Saco, but coming to the river, they met with no Indians, although they discovered their tracks. They struck the Saco, probably in the eastern part of Conway. Taking an easterly course they passed upon the high ground down the Saco, and diverging south, struck the basin of Pequauquauke, south of what is now called Stark's hill. Here they had a full view of the basin, and of Saco pond, just at their feet. This was near night, and they cautiously descended the hill and encamped upon the shore of the pond. In the night the sentinels thought they heard the noise of Indians about the encampment, and alarmed their companions, but it was very dark, and they could make no further discovery. It was probably the noise of some wild animal, a moose perhaps, as they were near the spot where these animals usually took to the water. This incident confirmed their suspicions that the water. This incident confirmed their suspicions that the Indians were dogging them, and these suspicions led to a fatal error, as the sequel will show.

On the next day, May 8th, (May 19th new style) about 10 o'clock in the morning, while at prayers, they heard a gun across the pond, and Capt. Lovewell discovered a solitary Indian upon a stony point of land running into the pond from the east. This Indian was hunting ducks. It is possible he might have gone from the village to the pond, duck-shooting, but it is quite as probable, that he was one of a scout of Indians that had been down the Saco, and was returning, and had been sent forward to this point to get a shot at ducks in sight. Be this as it may, Lovewell and his men, supposing they had been discovered the night previous and before, at once suspected that he was sent out as a decoy, and popular tradition has kept up the suspicion, as the point on which the Indian stood is called "Decoy Point" to this day.

They accordingly held a consultation to determine whether they would proceed to attack the enemy, which they supposed was in waiting for them on the north shore of the pond, or whether they should retreat.

The question being put, the men boldly answered, says the Rev. Mr. Symmes, "We came to see the enemy; we have all along prayed God we might find them; and we had rather trust Providence with our lives, yes, die for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we might, and be called cowards for our pains."

It was determined, unanimously, to fight, and they commenced preparations in earnest. In order to be entirely disencumbered, Lovewell ordered his men to leave their packs behind, and they were accordingly left in the woods, but without a guard. The spot where they left their packs was some thirty rods west of the little brooks that empties into the pond, southeast of the present village of Fryeburg. Lovewell then led on his men cautiously towards the Indian, who was seen upon the point, a distance of about a mile and a half, principally, for the first half of the way, through a pitch pine wood, clear of underbrush, and the brakes but just started. The Indian got within five or six rods of them before they discovered him, having two guns and a brace of ducks in his hands. Upon discovering him, Lovewell and his men squatted upon the ground; but as they did so, the Indian discovered them, and dropping his extra gun and his game, he quickly fired upon them and with fatal effect; for his gun being charged with large shot, he wounded Capt. Lovewell and Mr. Whiting, the former severely. Ensign Wyman then fired upon the Indian and killed him, and this misfire made him the more zealous to take his scalp. Meantime, a scout of Indians, some forty in number, under Paugus and Wahowah, coming up the pond from a scout down the Saco, crossed the trail of Lovewell's men, and following it, discovered their packs, and finding their numbers less than their own, they at once determined to attack them. Accordingly, securing their packs, they proceeded to the brook before described, and under its banks, formed an ambuscade for Lovewell and his party. Passing east from this brook, you immediately come upon the highest part of the pitch pine plain, lying north of the pond. This part of the plain, terminates at the pond, in a ridge or bold shore, against which are piled up boulders of rock, evidently the effect of ice. East of this point of rocks, is a ridge of sand, extending parallel to the water, some 50 or 60 rods to another brooks, emptying into the pond from the north-east, and now known as "Fight Brook." This sand ridge was from 4 to 6 rods wide, having upon it some scattered pines, and limited on the north, the most of its length by a swamp, extending west from the aforesaid brook, and which, in the spring, is filled with water, forming of this sand ridge, a long, narrow peninsula, only accessible from the plain at its western extremity, in the vicinity of the aforesaid point of rocks.

Lovewell and his men were leisurely returning upon their trail, and probably with less caution than usual, as they had not found the enemy they went out to meet, when coming to the bank of the little brook before named, the Indians rose from their ambush and fired upon them in front and rear, rushing upon them with shouts and yells of defiance.

Capt. Lovewell was killed the first shot, and our men were struck with surprise at the suddeness of the attack. But they immediately returned the fire with deadly effect, killing nine of the enemy upon the spot. The company then dispersed, each one getting behind a tree, and firing upon the enemy as he got a chance. The firing continued brisk; but soon, Capt. Lovewell and eight others being killed, and Lieut. Farwell and two others being wounded, and the Indians attempting to surround them, the party determined to retreat to the shore of the pond, "hoping to be sheltered by the point of rocks that ran into the pond." Here, behind this "ridge of land," and barrier of rocks they continued the fight to advantage, gradually extending themselves across upon the sand before described, and protecting themselves behind the scattered pines. Here was an excellent position for an attack, but a very bad one for a siege, and had the Indians known their advantage,, they could easily have destroyed the whole company. If, instead of immediate attack, they had quietly seated themselves at the only approach to the peninsula, hunger would have done its work, and not a man of Lovewell's gallant band could have escaped. But the Indians could not brook delay, and confident of success from superior numbers, they continued the attack, firing at any one of the little band who happened to expose a part of his body. Under the direction of Ensign Wyman, the firing was kept up with spirit on the part of our men, and with decided effect. The Indians kept up a continual shout, at one time howling like wolves, again barking like dogs, or mimicking other wild beasts. And the English were nothing loth in this kind of defiance, but returned their howling with shouts and huzzas. Towards mid-afternoon, the Indians ceased firing and drew off among the pines, at a little distance, to pow-wow over their success. They had got earnestly engaged in the ceremony, dancing, jumping, howling and beating the ground in a word, pow-wowing, when the intrepid Wyman crept up behind the rocks and trees, and fired upon the principal actor, killing him upon the spot. This man may have been Wahwah, or Wahowah, as we hear nothing of him afterwards. He this as it may, the fight was renewed with greater ferocity, under the immediate direction of Paugus. Ensign Wyman continued to cheer on his men, and they fought with all their skill and the energy of desperation, but with terrifying disadvantage, as the Indians were near twice their number, and had them completely at their will. To add to their misfortune, their chaplain, Jonathan Frye, about this time fell mortally wounded, as also Lieut. Jonathan Robbins, who had been wounded at the first fire, and Jacob Farrar. Young Frye, though unable to stand, continued to pray audibly for the success of his companions, at intervals, during the remainder of the fight. Thus disheartened, the firing on their part became less brisk; and the Indians, confident of their success, came forward, and holding up ropes, to show they had them in their power and ready to be bound, offered them quarter. The intrepid Wyman replied that "they would have no quarter but what they won at the point of their muskets." The fight was then renewed, and towards night the enemy succeeded in getting upon the peninsula or beach, some of them at least. Among this number was Paugus their chief, who took refuge behind a pine within talking distance of John Chamberlain, one of the best shots in Lovewell's party. They looked at each other from behind their trees, each endeavoring to detect an exposed part in the person of the other, and at length, each one thinking he had the other at an advantage, aimed his musket to fire; each gun flashed in the pan, and their attempts were in vain! Their guns had become foul from frequent firing during the day, and were useless. In this dilemma, these bold men, who were acquainted with each other, agreed to go down to the water's side, and cleanse their guns, and then take their places and renew the fight. No sooner said than done, and they deliberately went down to the water, and commenced washing their guns, the warriors on both sides understanding their motives and leaving them to themselves!

In cleansing their guns and charging them, Paugus got the advantage; his ball was so small as to roll down his barrel, while Chamberlain had to force his down with his rod. Paugus seeing his advantage, quickly said, "Me kill you," and took up his gun to prime! Chamberlain threw down his rod, and bringing the breech of his gun a smart blow upon the hard sand, brought it to his face, and fired! Paugus fell pierced through the heart! Chamberlain's gun being worn from long use, primed itself, and the knowledge of this, saved the bold hunter's life. After the death of Paugus, their Chief, the Indians gradually ceased firing, and soon after sunset drew off into the woods, leaving the field to our men, who remained quiet for some time, fearing their return, or that they were lying in wait for them. It was supposed and confirmed by reports afterwards, that the Indians' loss, in killed and wounded, included the entire party except about twenty.

About midnight, our men hearing no more from the Indians, assembled together, and inquired into their respective situations. It was then found that there were twenty-three men upon the peninsula, of whom Jacob Farrar was just "expiring by the pond," and Lieut. Robbins, and Robert Usher, were unable to travel. The Rev. Mr. Symmes says:

"Lieut. Robbins desired his companions to charge his gun and leave it with him, which they did; he declaring that, "As the Indians will come in the morning to scalp me, I will kill one or more of them, if I can."

There were eleven more of the English, who were badly wounded, viz: Lieut. Farwell, Mr. Frye, Sergeant Johnson, Timothy Richardson, Josiah Johnson, Samuel Whiting, Elias Barron, John Chamberlain, Isaac Lakin, Eleazer Davis and Josiah Jones; but they, however, marched off the ground, with the nine others who received no considerable wounds, viz: Ensign Wyman, Edward Lingfield, Thomas Richardson, the two Melvins, Ebenezer Ayer, Abial Asten, Joseph Farrar, and Joseph Gilson. These all proceeded on their return to the fort, and did not perceive that they were way-laid or pursued by the enemy, though they knew our men had no provision, and must therefore be very faint.

Four of the wounded men, viz: Farwell, Frye, Davis and Jones, after they had traveled about a mile and a half, found themselves unable to go further, and with their free consent, the rest kept on the march, hoping to find a recruit at the Fort, and to return with fresh hands to relieve them.

As they proceeded on, they divided into three companies one morning, as they were passing a thick wood, for fear of making a track by which the enemy might follow them. One of the companies came upon three Indians, who pursued them sometime: meanwhile Elias Barron, one of the party, strayed from the others, and got over Ossipee river, by the side of which his gun case was found, and he was not heard of afterwards. Eleven, in another party, reached the fort at Ossipee; but to their great surprise found it deserted. The coward who fled in the beginning of the battle, ran directly to the fort, and gave the men posted there such a frightful account of what had happened, that they all fled from the fort, and made the best of their way home.

Solomon Keyes also came to the fort. When he had fought in the battle till he had received three wounds, and had become so weak by the loss of blood that he could not stand, he crawled up to Ensign Wyman in the heat of the battle, and told him he was a dead man; but (said he) if it be possible, I will get out of the way of the Indians, that they may not get my scalp. Keyes then crept off by the side of the pond to where he providentially found a canoe, when he rolled himself into it, and was driven by the wind several miles towards the fort; he gained strength fast and reached the fort as soon as the eleven before mentioned; and they all arrived at Dunstable on the 13th of May at night.

On the 15th of May, Ensign Wyman and three others arrived at Dunstable. They suffered greatly for want of provisions. They informed that they were destitute of all kinds of food from a Saturday morning till the Wednesday following; when they caught two mouse squirrels, which they roasted whole and found to be a sweet morsel. They afterwards killed some partridges, and other game, and were comfortably supplied **** (until?) they got home.

Eleazer Davis arrived at Berwick, and reported, that he and the three who were left with him waited some days for the return of the men from the fort, and at length, despairing of their **** though their wounds were putrified and stank, and they were almost dead with famine, yet they traveled on several miles, together, till Mr. Frye desired Davis and Farwell not to hinder themselves any longer on his account, for he found himself dying, and he laid himself down, telling them he should never rise more, and charged Davis, it is should please God to bring him home, to go to his father, and tell him that he expected in a few hours to be in eternity, and that he was not afraid to die.--They left him, and this amiable and promising young gentleman, who had the journal of the march in his **** (pocket?) was not heard of again.

Lieut. Farwell, who was greatly and no doubt deservedly ap**** (appalled?) and lamented, was also left by Davis within a few miles of the fort, and was not afterwards heard of. But Davis getting to the fort, and finding provisions there, tarried and re**** (refueled?) himself, and recovered strength to travel to Berwick.

Josiah Jones, another of the four wounded who were left the day after the fight but a short distance from the scene of action, traversed Saco river, and after a fatiguing ramble, arrived at **** (Saco?) (now Biddeford) emaciated, and almost dead form the loss of blood, the putrefaction of his wounds and the want of food. He had subsisted on the spontaneous vegetables of the forest, *** cranberries, &c., which he had eaten. He was kindly treated by the people of Saco, and recovered of his wounds.

Lieutenant Josiah Farwell of Dunstable, and Elias Barron of Groton were wounded, and died by the way in attempt to return home."⁷

The soldier who fled from the battle field so ingloriously, Benjamin Hassel, a corporal in the company. Hassel from Dunstable, and a grandson of Joseph and Anna Hassel, were killed by the Indians at Dunstable, in September, ****. His uncle Richard Hassel had also been taken prisoner by the Indians. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that Hassel should not care to fall into the hands of the Indians. So, the earliest of the fight, seeing Capt. Lovewell fall by his company surrounded by the Indians, and becoming separated from his companion in their retreat to the pond, he made the best of his way to the fort, and by his imperfect and exaggerated intelligence, so wrought upon the fears of the soldiers left in charge of the same, that they at once determined upon a retreat.

This probably was an act of prudence under the circumstances, although as it turned out, it was very unfortunate. According to Hassel's account, the entire command of Lovewell had been cut off, and the Indians in overwhelming numbers were in full pursuit. The fort was a mere temporary affair, with no provisions, forty miles from any white inhabitant, no prospect of relief in case of attack or siege, and the little garrison including Hassel, Kidder the sick man, and the physician, amounted to but eleven person all told. Under such circumstances, retreat was the only alternative. At first, some **** blame was attached to Hassel, but people soon began to think that he should be excused, and only two years after, when the grant of Suncook was made to those who were in this expedition under Lovewell, Hassel was one of the grantees without any exception being taken on account of his conduct **** subsequent to the battle. The men who were left in the lot with Kidder, were Nathaniel Woods, of Dunstable, sergeant; Doctor Wm. Ayer, of Haverhill; John Goffe, of Londonderry, brother-in-law of Kidder; John Gilson, of Groton; Isaac Whitney, and Zachariah Whitney, of Concord; Zebediah ***tin, of Haverhill; and Edward Spooney, and Ebenezer H***burt of Dunstable.

The party probably arrived at Dunstable on the 11th of May, 1725.

Upon hearing of this disastrous news, Governor Dummer forthwith despatched a company under Col. Eleazer Tyng of Du****, to search for the enemy and to find and bury the slain.

Col. Tyng marched with his company on the 17th of May, and encamped at Namaoskeag, now Manchester, the first night. The next day being rainy, they continued at their encampment. Col. Tyng having taken all the effective men from Dunstable, leaving the settlers in an exposed situation, wrote to Governor Dummer the following letter informing him of their condition, and asking protection for them:

I am Your Honor's
Most Ob't Servant,
ELEAZER TYNG.

   Amoskeag, May 19, 1725."⁸

Governor Dummer, it seems, had anticipated Col. Tyng's request, and issued the following order.

WILLIAM DUMMER.

   Boston, May 19th. 1725"⁹

Gov. Dummer had also written Gov. Wentworth at Portsmouth, informing him of the mishap to Lovewell's party, and Gov. Wentworth, by advise of the Council, dispatched a company to Pequauquauke, under Capt. Chesley, but they did not succeed in meeting with any of the wounded men. They went as far as Ossipee lake, and found Lovewell's fort **** which they hastened, having on Thursday, the 20th of **** discovered the trail of a large party of the enemy as they supposed. Under these circumstances, Capt. Chesley and his men were fearful they should "meet the same fate" of Lovewell's party, and they returned forthwith to Cocheco, from which an express was dispatched to Portsmouth, to inform the Governor of the failure of the expedition.

But Col. Tyng and his party were more successful. They "went to the place of action where they found and buried the following men, viz:--

Capt. John Lovewell, Ensign Jonathan Woods, Ensign John Harwood and Robert Usher, of Dunstable; Jacob Fullam of Weston; Jacob Farrar, and Josiah Davis, of Concord; Thomas Woods, Daniel Woods, and John Jefts, of Groton; Ichabod Johnson, of Woburn; Jonathan Kittredge, of Billerica.

Col. Tyng found where the Indians had buried three of their men which were dug up, and one of them was known to be the bold Paugus, who had been a great scourge to Dunstable.

Dr. Belknap observes of "Lovewell's Fight," "This was one of the most obstinate battles which had been fought with the Indians. They had not only the advantage of numbers, but of placing themselves in ambush, and waiting with deliberation the moment of attack. These circumstances give them a degree of ardor and impetuosity. Lovewell and his men, though disappointed of meeting the enemy in their **** expected and determined to fight. The fall of their commanders, and more than one quarter of their number, in the first onset, was greatly discouraging; but they knew that the situation to which they were reduced, and their distance from the frontiers, cut off all hope of safety from flight. In these circumstances, prudence as well as valor dictated a continuance of the engagement, and a refusal to surrender: until the enemy, awed by their brave resistance, and weakened by their own loss, yielded them the honor of the field. After this encounter, the Indians resided no more at Pequawket till the peace."¹⁰

¹Belknap, page 206. Return
²Col. Bancroft's narrative--N.H. His. Coll., Vol. I, page 109--Fox's His. of Dunstable. Return
³See files Secretary's Office, Mass. Return
⁴Belknap, pages 200, 209. Return
⁵N.H. His. Coll. Vol. I. page 113. Return
⁶Fox's History of Dunstable. Return
⁷Farmer & Moore's His. Coll. Vol. 1, pages 31 and 32. Return
⁸See Letter Secretary's Office, Mass. Return
⁹See order in Secretary's Office, Mass. Return
¹⁰Farmer's edition, page 212.

                       

Chapter 9
History of Manchester
Hillsborough County
ALHN-New Hampshire
Created November 24, 2000
Copyright 2000