Passaconnaway and Conway identical.--Wood's account of him.--His sale of land to Rev. John Wheelwright.--His signature, and those of Runnawit, Wahangnonawit, and Rowls.--Passaconnaway seeks the protection of the whites.--They attempt to seize him.--Take his son and misuse him.--Passaconnaway refuses to hear Mr. Eliot preach, and leaves Pawtucket.--Hears him and publicly acknowledges his belief in the God of the English.--Desires Mr. Eliot to reside at Namaoskeag--Eliot has a bridle path cut and beat from Nashua to Namaoskeag.--Is sick and preaches at Pawtucket.--Passaconnaway's argument to Eliot.--His farewell speech to his people. Grant to him by Massachusetts.--Nanamocommuck and other children of Passaconnaway.--Passaconaway's death.--His character.--Wonnalancet succeeds to the Sagamonship. Liberates his elder brother from prison.--Publicly embraces christianity.--Withdraws into the wilderness.--The English send for him.--Indian killed in Wobum.--Outrage upon Indians at Chelmsford.--Betogkom preaches in the wilderness.--Wonnalancet forms a treaty at Cocheco.--Syll and Hathorne seize four hundred Indians at Cocheco.--Most of them sold into slavery.--Wonnalancet retires to Canada.--Visits his friends, sells his land and returns to Canada,--His character. -Kancamagus becomes Sagamon.--Writes Gov. Cranfield and asks protection of the English.--Treated with neglect.--Removes into the wilderness.--Comes into Piscataquack and makes a treaty.--Collects forces at Pennacook.-- Makes an attack upon, and destroys Cocheco. la outlawed.--Returns to Worombo's fort.--Is attacked by Capt. Church, escapes, but his wife and children are taken.--He attacks Church at Casco.--Makes a truce at "Sackatehock."--His death and character.--Christo resides at Namaoskeag.--suspected of being in the battle of Pequauquauke.--His wigwam destroyed.--A soldier in the pay of New Hampshire.--Retires to St Francis and becomes hostile to the English.--Assists in capturing Mrs. McCoy of Epsom.--Comes to Canterbury in company with Sabatis, and captures two negroes.--The site of his wigwam.

The Sagamons of most note among the Pennacooks, were Passaconnaway, Wonnalancet his son, and Kancamagus, usually called John Hogkins, his grandson. These Chiefs were successively at the head of the Pennacoks, and each in his way, was a man of mark in his time. Passaconnaway was one of the most noted Indian Chiefs in New England.

His name is indicative of his war-like character--Papisse-conewa, as written by himself, meaning "The Child of the Bear," being derived from Papoeis (a child), and Kunnaway (a bear.) This name he doubtless received at mature age, according to the custom of the Indians, from his supposed resemblance in courage and bravery in war, to that ferocious and powerful animal.

We first hear of him in 1627 or 8, unless indeed, the Sagamon whom Christopher Levett saw in the neighborhood of the Piscataqua in 1623, and whose name he writes Conway, may have been Passaconnaway.¹ And it is very probable that such was the fact, for that Passaconnaway often had his residence in that neighborhood is evident from the fact, that when in 1642, the, government of Massachusetts, wished to seize him, they sent a company of armed men for that purpose, with a warrant to Ipswich, Rowley, and Newbury, plainly showing that Passaconnaway, at that time, had a temporary residence at least, in the neighborhood of the mouth of the Merrimack.² And that he should have been at "Piscataquack'' in 1623 to visit the strangers of Thompson's plantation. just settling upon his territory, is equally probable. Thomas Morton. ''mine host of Maremount," as he writes himself in is "New English Canaan," thus speaks of him, being in this country at that time. ''Papasiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territories neare Merrimack River, a man of the best note and estimation in all those parts (and as my countryman, Mr. Wood, declares in his prospect), a great nigromancer" * * * *

"That Sachem or Sagamore is a Powah of greate estimation amongst all kinde of Salvages, then hee is at their Revels, (which is the time when a greate company of Salvages meete from severall partes of the Countre, in amity with their neighbours), hath advanced his honour in his feats or jugling tricks, (as I may right terme them), to the admiration of the spectators, whome hee endeavoured to persuade that hee would goe under water to the further side of a river to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee performed by swimming over and deluding the company with casting a mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out but no part of the way hee has bin seene: likewise by our English in the heat of all summer, to make Ice appeare in a bowle of faire water, first having the water set before him hee hath begunne his incantation according to their usual accustom, and before the same hath been ended a thicke cloude has darkened the aire and on a sudane a thunderclap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives, in an instant hee hath shoued a firme peace of Ice to floate in the midst of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people, which doubtless was done by the agility of Satan his consort.³

From which marvelous story we are to infer that Pasaconnaway, to the character of a brave warrior, added that of a clever juggler. In fact, he held his people in great awe of him, the Indians supposing him to have supernatural powers; to have control over their destinies; that he could make a dry leaf turn green; water burn and then turn to ice; and could take the rattlesnake in his hand with impunity.

With such reputed powers, his acknowledged ability as a warrior, and wisdom as a Sagamon, Passaconnaway was the acknowledged head of the most powerful Indian confederacy east of the Mohawks, and as such received the title of Bashaba, a title much of the same import as that of Emperor.

On the 17th day of May 1629, Passaconnaway with three subordinate Chiefs, sold the tract of land extending from the Piscataqua to the Merrimack, and from the line of Massachusetts thirty miles into the country, to the Rev. John Wheelwright and his associates, for certain stipulated and valuable considerations. This deed was signed by Passaconnaway the Sagamon of Pennacook, Runnawit the chief of Pawtuckett, Wahangnonawit the chief of Squamscot, and Rowls the chief of Newichewannock, and was witnessed by two Indians and some of the most respectable men of the Plantations at Piscataqua and Saco.

This transaction was one of importance. It shows that Passaconnaway, as early as 1629, was not only the chief of the Pennacooks, but that he was a Sagamon at the head of a powerful confederacy, and that thus early he had the sagacity to see the superiority of the English, and to wish them as a barrier betwixt his people and their eastern enemies.

The deed expressly acknowledges on the part of the chiefs of the Pawtucket, Squamscot and Newichewannock, their being tributary to the Sagamon of Pennacook; the 7th and last article stipulating that "every township within the aforesaid limits or tract of land that hereafter shall be settled, shall pay to Passaconnaway our chief sagamore that now is and to his successors forever, if lawfully demanded, one coat of trucking cloth a year. This deed was signed and witnessed as follows:

In 1642, upon suspicion that a conspiracy was forming among the Indians to crush the English, men were sent out to arrest some of the principal Indian Chiefs. Forty men were sent out at this time to arrest Passaconnaway, but he escaped them by reason of a storm. Wannalancet, his son, was not so fortunate. He was taken by the party, while his squaw escaped into the woods. But while they barbarously and most insultingly led Wannalancet with a rope, he loosened the rope and attempted to escape, his captors firing at him, and coming near hitting him with their shot. He did not effect his escape, but was retaken.⁴

For this outrage, the government of Massachusetts feared the just resentment of Passaconnaway, and they sent Cutshamekin, whom they had arrested upon the same occasion and had discharged, to excuse the matter to the old Chief. and invite him to go to Boston and hold a conference with them. The answer of the old Sagamon savors a good deal of an independent spirit, and had he been younger by a half century, his answer might have been still more proud and haughty. "Tell the English," was his reply, "when they restore my son and his squaw, then will I talk with them." The answer was that of a man who felt he had been most deeply wronged. His haughty spirit must have chafed under such wrongs, and it is possible under the sting such outrages could not fail to inflict, he might have regretted the policy he had marked out for himself.

It is probable that this outrage upon the family of Passaconnaway made a deep impression upon his mind, and led him to doubt the sincerity of the professions of the English toward him. And in 1647 he exhibited this distrust in a most summary manner. At this time, the Rev. Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket for the purpose of preaching to the natives. It was the fishing season, and a vast multitude of Indians were present. Among them was Passaconnaway with two of his sons. The Old Chief, doubtless smarting under his wrongs, and thinking that a religion that tolerated such wrongs, was not worthy his attention, refused to see Mr. Eliot and retired immediately from the neighborhood, taking with him his son, saying, 'he was afraid the English would kill him.⁵

In 1648, however, Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket with better success, for it being the fishing season, he found Passaconnaway there and in a mood to hear his preaching. Mr. Eliot preached to the assembled Indians from Malachi, I: xi. This verse he paraphrased thus--"From the rising of the sun to the going down of the same, Thy name shall be great among the Indians; and in every place prayers shall be made to Thy name, pure prayers, for they name shall be great among the Indians."⁶

The Indians paid the most respectful attention, and after the discourse was closed, proposed many appropriate and amusing questions. After others had proposed questions and made remarks, Passaconnaway arose, we need not add, amid the most profound attention, and announced his belief in the God of the English. He remarked, says Mr. Eliot in a letter of date Nov. 12, 1648, "That indeed he had never heard of God before as now he doth. And he said further, that he did believe what I taught them to be true. And for his own part he was purposed in his heart from thenceforth to pray unto God, and that hee would persuade all his sonnes to doe the same, pointing to two of them who were there present, and naming such as were absent."⁷

The Old Sagamon was doubtless sincere in his change of religion, and continued in the christian belief till his death. 'A good while after,' says Eliot, he said to Capt. Willard, "that he would be glad if I would come and live in some place thereabouts, to teach them * * * * * *. And that if any good ground or place that hee had would be acceptable to me, he would willingly let me have it."⁸ In this same letter, Mr. Eliot intimates his intention of visiting Amoskeag the following spring, as thus: "There is another great fishing place about three score miles from us, whether I intend (God willing) to go next spring, which belongeth to the beforenamed Papassaconnaway--which journey, though it be like to be both difficult and chargable for horse and men, in fitting provisions, yet I have sundry reasons which bow and draw my heart therto."

Mr. Eliot, in a letter bearing date Oct. 29, 1649, thus speaks: "I had and still have a great desire to go to a great fishing place, Namaske, upon the Merrimack river, and because the Indian's way lieth beyond the great river, which we cannot pass with our horses, nor can we well go to it on this side of the river unless we go by Nashaway, which is about and a bad way unbeaten, the Indians not using the way I therefore hired a hardy man of Nashaway to beat out a way, and to mark trees so that he may pilot me thither in the spring. And he hired Indians with him and did it, and in the way he passed through a great people called Sowahagen Indians, some of which had heard me at Pawtucket and Nashua, and had carried home such tidings that they were generally stirred with a desire that I would come and teach them; and when they saw a man come to cut out the way for me, they were very glad; and when he told that I intended to come that way next spring, they seemed to him to be full of joy, and made him very welcome.

"But in the spring when I should have gone, I was not well, it being a very sickly time, so that I saw the Lord prevented me of that journey. Yet when I went to Pawtucket, another fishing place, where from all parts they met together, thither came divers of these Sowahagen Indians and heard me teach."⁹

And in this same letter Mr. Eliot goes on to say that Passaconnaway, the "Great Sachem" of all the tribes that dwelt in the valley of the Merrimack, "did exceeding earnestly and importunately invite me to come and live at his place and teach them. He used many arguments * * * *; this was one that my coming but once a year did them but little good because they soon forgot what I had taught."

He enforced his meaning thus: "You do as if one should come and throw a fine thing among us, and we should catch at it earnestly, because it appeared so beautiful, but cannot look at it to see what is within; there may be in it something or nothing, a stock, a stone, or precious treasure; but if it be opened and we see what is valuable therein, then we think much of it. So you tell us of religion, and we like it very well at first sight, but we know not what is within it may be excellent, or it may be nothing--we cannot tell; but if you will stay with us, and open it to us, and show us all within, we shall believe it to be as good as you say it is."

This comparison seems more like one from civilized life, than from a Savage Chief just embracing christianity, and is one of those unmistakeable marks in the life of Passaconnaway that show him a man of eloquence and wisdom.

We hear nothing more of Passaconnaway or his people, till 1660. At that time, being of very great age, he was seen by an Englishman at Pawtucket, who was much conversant with the Indians upon the Merrimack. It is possible that this Englishman was Gen. Gookin.

There was a vast assemblage of the Indians at Pawtucket, and borne down with age and cares, the old Sagamon, at a public feast, made his farewell speech to his people. On such occasions, the old Sagamons relate the prominent incidents of their lives in songs and speeches, and give their advice to their people. It is highly probable that the fact had been announced to the confederate tribes, that Passaconnaway was about to make his farewell address to his people. The anticipated event called together an unusual assembly of Indians. The chiefs were gathered from all the confederate tribes, eager to hear the last words of their 'Great Sagamon' who, by his wisdom, his natural powers of eloquence, and his supposed knowledge of the mysteries of nature, possessed an unbounded influence over the Indians.

The occasion filled all with sorrow, in spite of Indian stoicism. Passaconnaway was deeply affected, and his voice tremulous with age and emotion, still was musical and powerful--a splendid remnant of that whose power and beauty, in the fullness and vigor of manhood, had soothed or excited the passions of assembled savages, and moulded them to suit the purposes of the speaker.

"Hearken," said he, "to the words of your father. I am an old oak that has withstood the storms of more than an hundred winters. Leaves and branches have been stripped from me by the winds and frosts--my eyes are dim--my limbs totter--I must soon fall! But when young and sturdy, when my bow--no young man of the Pennacooks could bend it--when my arrows would pierce a deer at an hundred yards--and I could bury my hatchet in a sapling to the eye--no wigwam had so many furs--no pole so many scalp locks as Passaconnaway's! Then I delighted in war. The whoop of the Pennacooks was heard upon the Mohawk--and no voice so loud as Passaconnaway's. The scalps upon the pole of my wigwam told the story of Mohawk suffering.

The English came, they seized our lands; I sat me down at Pennacook. They followed upon my footsteps; I made war upon them, but they fought with fire and thunder; my young men were swept down before me, when no one was near them. I tried sorcery against them, but they still increased and prevailed over me and mine, and I gave place to them and retired to my beautiful island of Natticook. I that can make the dry leaf turn green and live again--I that can take the rattlesnake in my palm as I would a worm, without harm--I who have had communion with the Great Spirit dreaming and awake--I am powerless before the Pale Faces,

"The oak will soon break before the whirlwind--it shivers and shakes even now; soon its trunk will be prostrate--the ant and the worm will sport upon it! Then think, my children, of what I say; I commune with the Great Spirit. He whispers me now--'Tell your people, Peace, Peace, is the only hope of your race. I have given fire and thunder to the pale faces for weapons--I have made them plentier than the leaves of the forest, and still shall they increase! These meadows they shall turn with the plow--these forests shall fall by the axe--the pale faces shall live upon your hunting grounds, and make their villages upon your fishing places!" The Great Spirit says this, and it must be so! We are few and powerless before them! We must bend before the storm! The wind blows hard! The old oak trembles! Its branches are gone! Its sap is frozen! It bends! It falls! Peace, Peace, with the white men--is the command of the Great Spirit--and the wish--the last wish--of Passaconnaway."

It has been supposed that Passaconnaway died about this time, and our historians give no account of him after the time of the delivery of 'his dying speech to his children.' But this supposition is erroneous. Passaconnaway was alive in l663 and at the head of his tribe, so that his speech of 1660 can hardly be considered his 'dying speech,' without some stretch of the imagination.

Passaconnaway finding his planting and fishing grounds encroached upon by those having grants from the government of Massachusetts; already deprived of his planting grounds at Natticook where he had planted for a long while; and the legislature having announced their intention to grant his lands at Pennacook whenever "so many should be present to settle a plantation there"--began to think he soon should not have land enough to erect a wigwam upon. Accordingly, May 9th, 1662, Passaconnaway presented the following petition to the legislature:

"To the honerd John Endecot Esqr together with the rest of the honerd General Court now Assembled in Boston the petition of papisseconnewa in the behalf of himself as also of many other Indians who now for a longe time o'r selves o'r progenators seated upon a tract of land called Naticot and is now in the possession of Mr. William Brenton of Rode Iland marchant; and is confirmed to the said Mr. Brenton to him his heirs and assigns according to the Laws of this Jurisdiction, by reason of which tracte of land beinge taken up as a foresaid, and thereby yr pore petitionr with many oth (ers is) in an onsettled condition and must be forced in a short time to remove to some other place.

The Humble request of yr petitionr is that this honerd Courte wolde pleas to grante vnto vs a parcell of land for or comfortable cituation; to be stated for or Injoyment; as also for the comfort of oths after vs; as also that this honerd Court wold pleas to take in to yr serious and grave consideration the condition and also the requeste of yr pore Supliant and to a poynte two or three persons as a Committee to Ar (range wi) th sum one or two Indians to vew and determine of some place and to Lay out the same, not further to trouble this honerd Assembly, humbly cravinge an expected answer this present sesion I shall remain yr humble Servante

The record of this grant discloses an important fact. In less than twenty years from the time that Passaconnaway submitted himself to the colonists, and put himself under their protection, he and his tribe were literally reduced to beggary. The Bashaba of the Merrimack valley, and the rightful owner of all its broad lands, had become a "pore petitioner" and "pore supliant" for a plantation of pine plains, and did "earnestly request the Honered Court to grant two small islands and ye patch of Intervalle" to him--receiving them doubtless with all due submission and thankfulness, if not humility! Old age, as well as contact with civilization, must have done its work upon the spirit of this haughty Sagamon, for him thus to have meekly asked his usurpers to grant him what was properly his own. For his sale to Wheelwright did not embrace "these two small islands or ye patch of Intervaile," and Massachusetts never pretended even a purchase from the Indians of the Merrimack valley, till after the date of this transaction.

Passaconnaway had four sons, if no more, and probably two daughters, if no more. His oldest son, Nanamocomuck was Sagamon of Wachusett near Wachusett mountain. Mr. Eliot saw him at Pawtucket in 1648. He at that time promised to become a praying Indian. He was inimical to the English and removed to the Amariscoggin country in Maine. He was father of the afterwards noted Chief, Kaneamagus or John Hogkins. The second son of Passaconnaway, and his successor, was Wonnalancet, of whom we shall speak hereafter We think Unanunquoset and Nonatomenut were the names of two other sons of Passaconnaway, as their names are attached to the petition referred to above. The first signature to the petition is that of Nobhow, the Sagamon of Pawtucket. The signatures are as follows:

This petition asked the legislature to grant five hundred acres of land to Mr. John Webb in exchange for the island of Wickasauke--which they had sold to Webb to raise money wherewith to redeem their brother and countryman from bondage--they wishing the island back again. Now as Nobhow signs this petition in behalf of his wife and children, it clearly shows that his wife was part owner of the island before its sale. And as the Indian women were not acknowledged as owners of land unless they were of the royal family, the wife of Nobhow must have been the daughter of some Sagamon. Now as she owned the island of Wickasauke in common with Wonnalancet, it is highly probable that she was the sister of Wonnalancet, and the daughter of Passaconnaway. If this be so, it is also probable that the other signers were children of Passaconnaway. Another daughter of Passaconnaway, married Montawampate, the Sagamon of Saugus, prior to 1628, and was separated from him in consequence of a difficulty betwixt him and her father.

Passaconnaway died prior to 1669, full of years and honors, and was spared the pain of witnessing the overthrow of his tribe. The year of his death is now known. He was alive in 1663, and as Wonnalancet was at the head of the tribe in 1669 and built the fort at Pawtucket at that time, it is evident that Passaconnaway was then dead. He was a wise, brave and politic Sagamon. He gained his great power and control over the Indians of new England, by his wisdom and bravery--but more by his great cunning. He was an accomplished juggler, and being a man of superior intelligence, he turned his juggling skill to the best account for his own personal aggrandizement, and that of his tribe. A juggler was supposed by the Indians to have intercourse not only with the Devil, the Bad Spirit; but with Manit the Great Spirit--hence a skilful juggler had most unbounded influence. And when the character of a skilful juggler was united with that of Powah or Priest and Physician, in one and the same man, as it was in Passaconnaway--we can most readily account for his great power and influence. In reflecting upon the character of the Merrimack Sagamon, the conviction forces itself upon one, that at the head of a powerful confederacy of Indian tribes, honored and feared by his subjects, and capable of moulding their fierce passions to his will, the history of New England would have told another story, than the triumph of our Pilgrim Fathers, had Passaconnaway taken a different view of his own destiny and that of his tribe--and exerted his well known and acknowledged power against the enemies of his race; but providence seems to have tempered the fierce savages for the reception and triumph of the Anglo Saxon race in the New World.

Wonnalancet was the second and third child of Passaconnaway, being born about 1619 and of course younger than his sister who married in 1628. His name is indicative of his character, meaning literally, breathing pleasantly, derived from Wonne or Wunne, (pleasant) and Nangshonat, to breathe. This name, after the Indian custom, he received after he had arrived at the age of manhood, and had shown to the tribe such qualities as deserved it; and he ever proved himself worth of this flattering cognomen. He was a good man--of a peaceful disposition--preferring the ease and comforts of peace, to the hardships and deprivations of war, and very readily followed the advice of his father, given in 1660, to cultivate friendly relations with the English. In fact, for a series of years prior to 1660, he had cultivated the friendship of the colonists, living near their advanced posts--at his beautiful Island of Wickasauke. It was a most fortunate circumstance for the English colonists, that Wonnalancet instead of Nanamocomuck, his eldest brother, succeeded to the Sagamonship after the death of Passaconnaway. For, if Nanamocomuck possessed a tithe of the warlike qualities of his son Kancamagus, at the head of the Pennacooks in 1668, when he could readily have raised an army of 500 warriors from the Namaoskeags, Pennacooks, Winnepesaukies Pequauquaukes, Sacos, and Amariscoggins, he would have presented a most powerful obstacle in the way of the progress of the Colonists. But Providence seems to have paved the way for the successful enterprise of the Colonists. Wonnalancet succeeded to the Sagamonship and always used his best endeavors to preserve the good will of his English neighbors. He must have possessed a very mild disposition, or the continual wrong-doing of the English towards him, must on some occasions have roused him to revenge his wrongs. To name but one act of oppression--that related before, when the English, in 1642, seized and bound him, and farther insulted him, by firing upon him like a dog, when he attempted to escape from their hands--this, had he not been of the most amiable disposition, would have provoked in him the most implacable hostility to his English oppressors. But he seems to have acted upon principle, and to have ever adhered strictly to the instructions of his father. He doubtless succeeded his father about 1668 as we find him at the head of his tribe in the spring of 1669. He then left his fort at Pennacook and removed to Pawtucket with his tribe, where they built a fort for their protection from the Mohawks of whom they stood in great fear. The goodness of his character, his humanity and generous impulse, is sufficiently proved by the sale of his home, to purchase the liberty of his brother. His oldest brother, Nanamocomuck had been imprisoned in Boston, for a debt due from another Indian to one John Tinker and for which he had become responsible. In order to raise the money to pay the debt and charges, the Indians made known to the Court their desire to dispose of the royal residence at Wickasauke, an island in the Merrimack, a few miles above Lowell. The Court gave them permission to sell it, as follows:

Whereas this Court is Informed yt Peasconaway's soune now in prison as surety for ye payment of a debt of forty five pounds or therabouts and having nothing to pay but Affirme that severall Indiands now in possession of a smale Island in merrimack River (about sixty acres) the half whereof is broken up; are willing after this next yeares use of their sayd Island to sell theire Interest in ye said Island to whoeuer will purchase it and so to redeem the sayd Peasconaway's soune out of prison. The magistrates are willing to allow the sayd Indians liberty to sell ye sayd Island to Ensigne Jno Evered as they and he Can Agree for ye ends aforesaid. If their brethren the deputys Concent hereto.

8 Nov. 1659. The deputys consent hereto provided the Indian[s] have liberty to sell the sid Island to him that will give most for it.

Consented to by ye magistrates.

And Wonnalancet resumed the occupation of his "desirable posetions." From 1669 till 1675, it is probable that he continued to plant this island and make his general residence there, only occupying the planting grounds at Souhegan and Pennacook and the "fishing place" at "Namaoskeag," for so long a space as to secure their crops and catch their supply of fish. The royal residence of the Pennacook Sagamon was at "Namaoskeag," upon the hill inmmediately east of the Amoskeag Falls, and here Wonnalancet was accustomed, like his father, to meet his assembled subjects, and in council discuss the affairs of the confederacy, whether for war or peace. As a refuge the fort at Pennacook was kept in repair and occupied occasionally. It is even probable that the more restless and warlike of the Pennacooks may have continued to reside in the neighborhood, and at the Fort, most of the time from 1666 to 1675. But it is evident that Wonnalancet preferred to be in the neighborhood of the English. It was during this period that Wonnalancet embraced the Christian religion. Mr. Gookin says that he and Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket, May 5, 1674. This was at the fishing season and the Indians from all the neighboring tribes had collected there to fish. In the evening Mr. Eliot preached in the wigwam of Wonnalancet, taking for his text the parable of the marriage of the king's son--contained in the first fourteen verses of the 22d chapter of Matthew. During service Wonnalancet appeared grave and sober. In fact he had attended preaching, and kept the Sabbath, prior to this date. The next day, May 6, Mr. Eliot proposed to him to give an answer concerning his praying to God. Wonnalancet stood up, and after due pause and deliberation, gave this answer:

"Sirs, you have been pleased, for years past, in your abundant love, to apply yourselves particularly unto me and my people, to exhort, press and persuade us to pray to God. I am very thankful to you for your pains. I must acknowledge I have all my days been used to pass in al old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been unwilling but now I yield myself to your advice and enter into a new canoe and do engage to pray to God hereafter."¹⁴

Wonnalancet doubtless lived up to his profession, though be must have possessed as much of patience, as was attributed to Job of old, to have lived under his oppressions and wrongs, and not have most signally avenged them. Gookin speaking of his conversion, in 1677 says, "I have charity and faith to believe him to be an honest Christian man, being one that in his conversation walks answerably to his knowledge. He prays in his family and is careful of keeping the Sabbath, loves to hear God's word, sober in conversation."¹⁵ During Philip's war, Wonnalancet retired into the wilderness. The war commonly known as "Philip's War," commenced in the summer of 1675. This wily chief stung with the wrongs of his country, had formed the design of completely destroying the English colonies. For this purpose, he had visited the various tribes of New England and endeavored to unite them in the common cause. In this he but partially succeeded. The restless and reckless of most of the tribes, readily assented to take up the hatchet; but certain tribes and the peacably inclined in others, would not join the confederacy of Philip. The remnant of the tribe under Wonnalancet refused to join in his project, though often solicited. But Wonnalancet's position was about as uncomfortable as though he had favored the project of Philip. There was a general prejudice among the colonists against all Indians, and if any depredations were committed by the hostile Indians, there were not wanting those who were willing to accuse the friendly Indians of being privy to, or engaged in committing them, and who were ever ready to wreak their vengeance upon the innocent friendly Indians. Wonnalancet, aware of this state of things, and cognizant of the fact, that through the instigation of Philip, the Indians were planning a general attack upon the colonists, that he and his people might not be involved in the troubles, withdrew into the woods "and quartered about Pennacook." His withdrawal gave fresh alarm to the colonists. The "Great and General Court" was even disquieted at his not returning with his tribe after the planting season was over, and on September 5, 1675, ordered Capt. Thomas Brattle and Lieut. Thomas Henchman to "send a runner or two to Wonnalancet Sachem of Naamkeke who had withdrawn into the woods from fear, and to persuade him to come in again and live at Wamesit, and to inform the Indians at Pennacook and Naticook that if they will live quietly and peaceably, they shall not be harmed by the English."¹⁶

The order of the Court was as follows:--"It is ordered by the Council that Lieut. Thomas Henchman do forthwith endeavor to procure by hire one or two suitable Indians of Wamesit to travel and seek to find out and speak with Wonnalancet the sachem and carry with them a writing from the Council, being a safe conduct unto the said Sachem, or any other principal man belonging to Natacooke, Penagooge or other people of those Northern Indians giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchman, where the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the English, and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wonnalancet sachem, as they are informed, hath declared himself that the English never did any wrong to him or his father Passaconnaway, but always lived in amity, and that his father charged him so to do and that said Wanalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English."¹⁷ This "runner" was not obtained to go after Wonnalancet, it would seem, till the following month when under date of Oct. 1, 1675, the following "safe conduct" was furnished by order of the council.

"This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts, do give you and every of you, provided you exceed not six, free liberty of coming unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamkeke and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookiu and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and (whom) we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you upon such meet terms and articles of friendship, amity and subjection as were formerly made and concluded between the English and old Passaconaway, your father and his sons and people; and for this end we have sent these messengers, to convey these unto you, and to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct., 1675. Signed by order of the council.

Such being the state of feeling among the people, it is not singular that greater outrages upon the Indians should follow. On the fifteenth of November, a barn of Lt. James Richardson of Chelmsford, having been burnt, and the burning charged up on the Indians, a body of fourteen armed men, went to the Wigwams of the Indians, called them to come out, and after the men, women and children had come out, two of the English fired upon them, their guns being charged with buck shot, and killed one boy upon the spot, and wounded five of the women and children. The murderers, Lorgin and Robins were found Not Guilty by the Jury, as Gookin says, 'to the great grief and trouble generally of magistracy and ministry and other wise and godly men."²⁰ There being now no safety for them at their home, the entire tribe removed into the wilderness to join Wonnalancet, The English then had reason to suppose they had gone to join the enemy, and they ordered Lieut. Henchman to send after them and persuade them to come back. An Indian by the name of Wepcositt was sent upon this embassy by Lieut. Henchman, who found the Indians about Pennacook, but could not persuade them to come back. They were living very precariously--suffering much for want of food, but still they preferred staying in the wilderness. Simon Betogkom, their preacher was with them and preached to them every Sabbath. The first Sabbath he "read and taught the people out Psalm 35; the seccond Sabbath from Psalm 46; the third Sabbath out of Psalm 118." The 35th Psalm commences with "Plead my cause, 0 Lord, with them that strive with me; fight against those that fight against me." 2d verse "Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for my help." 3d verse. "Draw out also the spear, and stop the way against them that persecuteth me," &c. The 46th Psalm commences with "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. 2d verse. "Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the sea; 3d verse, "Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof." It must be confessed these Psalms were very appropriate to their circumstances. It is probable that in the second week--the messenger sent by the Governor of Massachusetts found them--and promised them the protection of the Government if they would return. But they refused to comply with his request, fearing the hostile Indians might bring them into some difficulty. The next and third Sabbath--Betogkom preached from the 118th Psalm, commencing, "O give thanks unto the Lord: for he is good; because his mercy endureth forever, &c 5th verse, "I called upon the Lord in distress; the Lord answered me, and set me in a large place. 6th verse, The Lord is on my side; I will not fear; What can I do."²¹

The Indians sent back a letter to Lieut. Henchman, giving their reasons for leaving. The letter was doubtless written by Simon Betogkom and was as follows:

"To Mr. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford. I Numphow, and John Line, we send the messenger to you again with this answer, we cannot come home again, we go towards the French, we go where Wonnalancet is; the reason is, we went away from our home, we had help from the Council, but that did not do us good, but we had wrong by the English. 2dly. The reason is we went away from the English, for when there was any harm done in Chelmsford, they laid it to us and said we did it, but we know ourselves we never did harm the English, but we go away peaceably and quietly. 3dly. As to the Island we say there is no safety for us for many English be not good, and may be they come to us and kill us, as in the other case. We are not sorry for what we leave behind, but are sorry the English have driven us from our praying to God and from our teacher, (Mr. Eliot.) We did begin to understand a little praying to God. We thank humbly the Council. We remember our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richardson.

At this time he made the following treaty with the Committee of this Province.

¹See Mass. His. Coll. third series, Vol VIII, page 173. Return
² See Winthrop's Journal Return
³See Force's His. Tracts, Vol.II. New Eng. Canaan, Pages 25 and 26. Return
⁴See Winthrop's Journal. Return ⁵See Mass. His. Coll, Third Series, Vol. IV. page, 82. Return
⁶See Mass. His. Coll. Third Series, Vol. IV. Page 82. Return
⁷See Mass. His. Coll. Third Series, Vol. IV. Page 82. Return
⁸See same work, volume and page. Return
⁹See Mass. His. Coll. Third Series, Vol. IV. page 82. Return
¹⁰See Mass. Archives. Return
¹¹See Mass. Archives. Return
¹²See Mass. Archives. Vol. 30, p. 82 Return
¹³Mass. Archives, Vol. 30, p. 130. Return
*See Records of Rockingham County.
¹⁴See Allen's Chelmsford, page 156. Return
¹⁵See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 464. Return
¹⁶See Mass. Archives Return
¹⁷See as above. Return
¹⁸See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 462. Return
¹⁹See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 464. Return
²⁰See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. Page 482, 482. Return
²¹See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. Page 485. Return
²²See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 483. Return
²³See Coll, Amer, Ant, Soc. Vol II page 492. Return
²⁴ See Drake's Book of the Indians, page 699.

                       

Chapter 5
History of Manchester
Hillsborough County
ALHN-New Hampshire
Created August 15, 2000
Copyright 2000