Meantime many of the Indians who had joined in Philip's war upon the English, had returned into the wilderness and joined themselves to the Pennacooks, Pequauquaukes, and Ossipees, hoping by that means, that as Wonnalancet had continued at peace with the English, and the Pequauquaukes and Ossipees had made a treaty a short time previous, to escape punishment by being taken as of their people. So that in September, 1676, there had come into Cocheco with Wonnalancet, and through his influence, about four hundred Indians. These had the promise of good usage, and had the advice of Major Waldron been followed, good faith would have been kept with them. But on the sixth of September, Captains Syll and Hathorne came to Cocheco with the companies under their command, being on their way from Boston into the eastern country, having "order to seize all Indians." They were intent upon falling upon the Indians at once, but were dissuaded from this course by Capt. Waldron, as friends and foes would be killed in a promiscuous onslaught. Major Waldron was deserving of all praise for his prudent course in this matter, and had the Indians known of his influence in their favor, it would doubtless have prevented the massacre that took place 13 years afterwards at this very place, and in which Major Waldron was sacrificed to avenge the wrongs of this. very day, attributed erroneously to him by the Indians. Major Waldron had doubtless, like most other Indian traders, been unscrupulous in his dealings with the Indians; and though his fist may have been used as a pound weight as against their furs, yet, having promised the good usage, he did all in his power on this occasion, to redeem his promise, and by his advice, doubtless, saved many of t] Indians from certain death. He had to yield to higher authority and what he could not prevent, mitigate in its execution. By his advice stratagem was used in securing them. A military display was proposed for the amusement of the Indians, in which they were invited to participate. The parties were to unite in a sham fight, the English upon one side and the Indians upon the other. The Indians entered into the plan with spirit. Tradition says that the Indians were furnished with cannon mounted upon wheels, which pleased them very much. They were ignorant of its management, and were furnished with gunners by the English. The Indians manned the dragropes, and the shamfight commenced. In changing the direction of the cannon, the English gunners ranged the piece along a file of Indians upon one of the dragropes, and fired, killing and wounding a large number. This was attributed to accident. At the same time, the English troops, by a preconcerted manoeuvre, enclosed the Indians on all sides, and secured and disarmed them without loss or injury on their part. Wonnalancet, with the Pennacooks and friendly Pequauquaukes and Ossipees, were dismissed to their homes, while the others, to the number of three hundred who were known to belong to other tribes, and to have been fighting against the English, were taken to Boston, seven or eight of them hanged, and the rest of them sold into slavery. Wonnalancet and his people returned to their home at Wickasauke, where they were ordered by the General Court, and placed under the guardianship of Mr. Jonathan Tyng, of Dunstable, "with Mr. Tyng's consent and under his inspection when at home, and in his absence," * * * * ¹ "the care of them (was) under one Robert Parris. Mr. Tyng's bayl." After this outrage, Wonnalancet seems to have placed but little reliance upon the promises of the English. In fact, their faith towards the Indians may well be called "Punic," as it generally embraced hypocrisy and treachery. It was this time that Wonnalancet called upon the Rev. Mr. Fisk, of Chelmsford, and enquired of him the news of the day, as to old acquaintances, and particularly whether Chelmsford had suffered much during the war? Mr. Fisk told him that they had not suffered much, but had been highly favored, and for which he thanked God. "Me next," added Wonnalancet; plainly showing that, in spite of his wrongs, he had used his influence to protect his friends in Chelmsford from harm. Wonnalancet stopped about in the region of Wickasauke, till after the middle of September of the following year, evincing the same friendly disposition towards the English. In March following the seizure at Dover, Wonnalancet came into Capt. Hinchman's, at Chelmsford, with the word that the "Mohokes" were up the river near Souhegan.

This information was communicated to the Governor and Council by James Parker, "from Mr Hinchmane's farme ner Meremack," "hast post hast."

"To the Honred Govuer and Counsell. This may informe youer honores that Sagamore Evanalanset [Wonnalancet] came this morning to informe me, and then went to Mr. Tynge's to informe him that his son being one ye outher sid of Meremack River a hunting, and his dauter with him, up the River, over against Souhegan, upon the 22 day of this instant, about tene of the clock in the morning, he discovered 15 Indens on this sid the River, which he soposed to be Mohokes by ther spech. He called them, they answered, but he culd not understand ther spech, and he having a conow ther in the River, he went to breck his conow that they might not have ani ues of it, in the mene time thay shot about thirty guns at him, and he being much frighted, fled and come home forthwith to Nahamcok, wher ther wigowemes now stand.
Not Eles at present, but Remain youer servant to comand.

JAMES PARKER.

But the English had taken his planting grounds, and had put them under cultivation, and he had "not where to lay his head." Mr. Eliot says, "He (Wonnalancet) was persuaded to come in again; but the English having plowed and sown all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians (of whom some were of the kindred of this Sachem's wife) very 1ate1y.fell upon this people, being but few and unarmed, and partly by persuasion and partly by force carried them away."³ The fact is, Wonnalancet saw his lands taken up and improved, which the Legislature had granted him, and he saw that he could not settle down upon them again with safety, and he made a virtue of necessity, and retired with a company of his friends to reside with them at the Indian settlement of St. Francis. This was about the 19th of September, 1677. His thus retiring gave cause to his enemies to reproach him with the old story of being hostile, but he lived down this as he had other calumnies.

Major Gookin, the fast friend of Wonnalancet gives the following reasons for his leaving, and retiring to St. Francis:

"First, this man had but a weak company, not above eight men; and those, except two or three, remained. Secondly, he lived at a dangerous frontier place, both for the Maqauas that were now in small parties, watching opportunities to slay and captivate these Indians, and had lately done mischief a few miles off; ⁴ on the other side, the Eastern Indians, that were in hostility with the English, might easily have access to this place. Thirdly, he had but little corn to live on for the ensuing winter, for his land was improved by the English before he came in. Fourthly, the Indians that came from the French were his kindred and relations, for one of them was his wife's brother; and his oldest son also lived with the French. Fifthly, those Indians informed him that the war was not yet at an end, and that he would live better and with more safety among the Indians."⁵ These were cogent reasons, and would be likely to weigh much with a man in the position of Wonnalancet. The only wonder is that Wonnalancet had not retired long before, and made common cause with the enemies of the English, as they and portions of his tribe had repeatedly urged him to do. It is not known how long he stayed at St. Francis. It is probable, however, that as soon as the war was closed, in 1678, and a peace established with the Eastern Indians, that Wonnalancet returned to Pennacook. But he was not in command of his tribe; for May 15th. 1685, we find Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, at the head of the tribe of Pennacook. This Sagamon and Mesandowit, his second, signed the treaty of September 8, l685, between the Provinces of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and the Indians inhabiting the said Provinces-- Kancamagus signing it and assenting thereto, the 19th of September. It is evident from this that Wonnalancet was either not at Pennacook at the time of making this treaty, or if he was, that he was not the Sagamon--Kancamagus and Mesandowit appearing for the Pennacooks. Yet, on or about the 17th of September of the same year Wonnalancet was at Pennacook, as is proved by the following grant upon record in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts.

"The Magistrates being informed by Capt. Hinchman that Wonnalancet and other Indians complain of offence offered them by transporting some of their friends, and that ye said Wonnalancet and others are not rewarded for service now done as in ye treaty late with ye Indians at Pennacook. We judge meet that ye treasurer advance ten pounds in money and clothing to be distributed among them by Capt. Thomas Henchman and Mr. Jonathan Tyng.
Cont when ye Deputys consenting.
        Edward Rawson, Sec'y,
        17 September 1685,
        The Deputys have past this our honored
        Magistrates consenting thereto.

Kancamagus, or as he sometimes wrote his name, and was most often called by the English, John Hogkins, was the son of Nanamocomuck, the eldest son of Passaconnaway. Nanamocomuck, as before stated, was the Sagamon of the tribe of Indians living near the Wachusett mountain in Massachusetts, and at one time was an attendant upon the preaching of Eliot, and promised with his father to embrace the Christian religion; but the injuries he received at the hands of the English, forced him to forego all his good resolutions, and finally to abandon his Sagamonship, and seek an asylum among the Indians of Maine. From this time, he doubtless became the determined foe to the English, and in all probability took particular pains to instill his dislike and hatred into the minds of his children. We have no means of determining the precise time of the death of Nanamocomuck; but it is probable that he died prior to the decease of his father, as Wannalancet his younger brother succeeded to the Sagamonship of Pennacook upon the death of Passaconnaway their father, which succession would not have taken place, had the elder brother been living.

Upon the retirement of Wonnalancet in 1777, the warlike portion of the tribe remained at Pennacook, without a chief but this want was soon supplied by the elevation of Kancamagus to the Sagamonship of Pennacook. This chief was a politic, brave and intelligent man. His superior skill, and bravery, had placed him among the foremost of the Amariscoggin warriors, where he was treated as a superior Chief, had his followers, and maintained a fort in connection with Worombo. Under the rule of so noted a warrior as Kancamagus, the Pennacooks soon became formidable. Their numbers were continually increasing by accession from the disaffected among the southern New England Indians--who were denominated by the English "the strange Indians," until in 1783, they had become a source of continual alarm and fear to their English neighbors. Many of these "strange Indians" were of the number so perfidiously taken at Cocheco in 1676, and sold into slavery by the Government of Massachusetts. These had returned, and putting themselves under the control of Kaucamagus, were waiting a fitting opportunity to satiate their revenge upon the Colonists. It is also very probable that Kancamagus himself, and some of his Amariscoggin followers, were of the number taken at the time and let go free, as friendly Indians. Under such circumstances, the Indians were very haughty in their intercourse with the frontier settlers, and did not hesitate often to express their hostility to the English, and their determination to seek revenge. The colonists felt greatly alarmed, and Governor Cranfield in 1683-4, entered upon the perfidious policy of employing the Mohawks to fight against the Indians of New Hampshire. And as early as March 22, 1683, he was authorized by the council to go to New York and treat with "Honorable Colonel T. Dongans," "for procuring such a number of Mohauck, Senecar or other Indians to march into this said Province, for defence and security thereof as the Hon'ble Govern't shall think needful."⁸ Governor Cranfield visited New York and treated for the assistance of the Mohawks, little caring, doubtless, whether the Mohawks killed friends or foes. The Mohawks made preparations for a descent upon the New England Indians, in the Spring and Summer of 1685. Of these preparations, the Pennacooks had word, and were in very great trouble. It would seem that the celebrity of Kancamagus who succeeded Wonnalancet as a chief, had drawn around him some noted warriors at Pennacook, as well as other noted Indians. Simon Betogkom was there, the Indian preacher; the Robins, the father called "Old," and Peter; Sam Line, Canowa, Mesandowit and the renowned Hopehood or Wahowah, "the broad shouldered." Betogkom and the Robins were of the Wamesits, while Hopehood or Wahowah was the son of Robinhood, Sagamon of Kennebeck, and had retired to Pennacook for safety. There can be no doubt of the wish of Kancamagus and his companions, to live in peace with the English. Upon hearing that the Mohawks comtemplated making an attack uon the Eastern Indians, most of the Indians in and about the Fort at Pennacook fled; but Kancamagus or John Hogkins as he was called by the English, with certain of his companions went to Great Island, (now New Castle) to see the Governor in person, and ask his protection.

On the 15th of May, 1655, he addressed the following letter to Governor Cranfield:

Honur Governor, my friend.
You my friend, I desire your worship and your power, because I hope you can do some great matters this one. I am poor and naked and I have no men, at my place, because I afriad allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake rever called Panukkog and Natukkog. I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want powder and such alminishon, shott and guns because I have forth at my hom and I plant theare.

This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble Servant,

John Hogkins. Simon Betogkom Josepb X traske King X hary Sam X linis wapeguanat X Taguachuwashat old X Robin mamanosques X andwa peter X Robin mr. Jorge X Roddunnonukgus mr hope X hoth John X Toneh John Canowa John X owamosimmin Natonill X Indian9

   "mr mason pray I want Speake you a few a words if your worship when please because I come parpos I will speake this Gouernor but he go away So he Say at last night and so far I understand this Gouernor his power that your power now, so he speake his own mouth, pray if you take what I want, pray com to me because I want go hom this day

your humble servant John hogkins, Indian Sogamon.12

   may 16th 1655.

But Mason as well as Cranfield, treated the requests of the Sagamon with neglect, and he retired from New Castle with no very high opinion of English hospitality or Justice. It is evident that Hogkins at this time was faithful to the English, and had Cranfield treated him with decency and complied with his desire for protection, he would still have remained friendly and much trouble and blood-shed might have been prevented. But Canfleld depended upon the perfidious policy he had entered into, of bringing the Mohawks down upon the Indians within the Province--and thus exterminating friends and foes; or rather he had his own safety to consult, as he doubtless left the Province at this time. Finding his efforts to gain assistance from the English in vain, Hogkins fled with his companions to the eastward, where be built a Fort upon the Amariscoggin river. The Mohawks having sent word from tbe fort at Albany that "they would kill all Indians from Uncas at mount Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscott," the Indians about Saco, gathered their corn and removed into the wilderness. Netambomet, the Sagamon of Saco with his people, and the other neighboring Indians, left and fled to Pennacook. This removal of the Indians gave serious alarm to the colonists, as they considered it a signal for war--and messengers were sent to ask the cause of removal. But the Indians had no intention of commencing hostilities, but on the contrary fled because they feared the Mohawks. The messengers followed them to Pennacook and asking the reason why they did not come among the English as formerly, they answered, "they thought if the Mohawks came and fought them, and they should fly for succour to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them.¹³ Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, being at Pennacook assured the messengers that the "Pennacooks had no intention of making war, being in no condition to do so, there not being but about twenty-four men at Pennacook besides squaws and pappooses." Kancamagus was not at Pennacook, and it is probable that most of his men were with him upon the Amariscoggin. Mutual explanations took place, the Sacos and other Indians who had left their homes, agreed to return thither again, and a day was appointed upon which to make a treaty with them. This was done on the 8th of September. At this time some of the Sagamons were present with the Council of New Hampshire and a deputation from Maine, and formed a treaty--which was signed on the part of the Indians by Mesandowit, Wahowah, alias Hopehood, Tecamorisick, alias Josias, and John Nomony, alias Robin. Afterwards another clause was added and the whole was signed by Netambomet, Sagamon of Saco, Wahowah, alias Hopehood, Ned Higgon, and Newcome.

On the 19th of September, Kancamagus alias John Hogkins, came in, together with Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, and signed this treaty in the presence of Joseph Rayn the Attorney General of the province, all of which may be seen in the treaty itself, which follows:

Articles of peace agreed upon the eighth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1685, between the subjects of his majesty, king James the second, inhabiting the provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces.
   It is agreed there shall be for the future, a lasting peace, frendship and kindness, between the English and the Indians, and that no injury shall be offered by the one or the other. That if any Englishman doth any injury to an Indian, upon complaint made to any justice of [the] peace, the Englishman shall be punished, the Indian shall have present satisfaction made him. And if any Indian doth an injury to the English, or threaten to do any injury, the sagamore to whom that Indian doth belong, shall punish him in presence of one of the king's justices of the peace. That if any other Indian shall design any mischief or harm to the English, the Indians inhabiting the aforesaid provinces shall give present notice thereof to the English, and shall assist the English.
   That so long as the aforesaid Indians shall continue in friendship with the English, they shall be protected against the Mohawks, or any others, and may freely and peaceably set down by the English near any theyr [sic] plantations.

Robert Mason,	Walter Barefoote,
Robert Elliot,	Henry Green,
John Davis,	Francis Hook.

**
   The mark of \ Mesandowit.
   The mark X of Wahowah, alias Hopehood.
   The mark & of Tecamorisick, alias Josias.
   The mark S of John Nomony, alias Upsawah.
   The mark W of Umbesnowah, alias Robin.
   We whose names are hereunto written, do freely consent and engage to comply and perform the within written articles, as our neighbors have done, and do further engage as followeth:
   Lastly, That the Indians shall not at any time hereafter remove from any of the English plantations, with their wives and children, before they have given fair and timely notice thereof, unto the English, from whence they do so remove; and in case the said Indians shall remove with their wives and children, without such fair and timely notice given to the English, that then it shall be taken proconfesso that the Indians do intend and design war with the English, and do thereby declare that the peace is broken; and it shall and may be lawful to and for the English, or any on their behalfs, to apprehend the said Indians, with their wives and children, and to use acts of hostility against them, until the sagamores shall make full satisfaction for all charge and damage that may arise thereby.

John Davis, Francis Hooke.

The mark V of Netambomet, sagam. of Saco.
The mark X of Wahowah, alias Hopehood.
The mark ) of Ned Higgon.
The mark O of Neweome.
Kancamagus, alias John Hawkins, sagamon, signed this instrument 19 7ber, 1685, his G mark.
Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, C his mark.
And agreed to all within written.

Testis, JOSEPH RAYN.14

Hon'd Sir,
   This day two Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand and Peter Muckamug, who report that damage will undoubtedly be done within a few days at Piscataqua, and that Major Waldron in particular is threatened; and that Julimatt fears that mischief will quickly be done at Dunstable. The Indians can give a more particular account to your honor. They say if damage be done, the blame shall not be on them, having given a faithful account of what they hear; and are upon that report moved to leave their habitation and corn at Pennacook. Sir, I was very loth to trouble you, and to expose myself to the censure and derision of some of the confident people, that would pretend to make a sport with what I send down by Capt. Tom, (alias, Thomas Ukqucakussennum.)
   I am constrained from a sense I have of my duty, and from love to my countrymen, to give the information as above. So with my humble service to your honor, and prayers for the safety of an endangered people, I am, Sir your humble servant.

THO. HINCHMAN.

   June 22,

This 22 June.

Hon'd. Sir,
   This day Captayne Tom and another Indian informed me that there is farther mischief intended by the Indians, which the bearer hereof, Thomas Loud, is able to inform you of.--yrs.

T.H.

   Hon. Thomas Danforth, Esq. at Cambridge.¹⁶
Mr. Danforth being detained from the meeting of the Council, sent Major Hinchman's notes to Governor Bradstreet enclosed in the following letter.

June 22, 1689.

   Hon. Sir,--The enclosed came to hand last night by the bearer, who has farther to inform, and gives such a character of the Indians, and brings such a report as gives great cause to fear it too true. He will inform of the names, who they are, and of the manner that they plotted their designs. Something must of necessity be done, or matters will grow worse. I understand that Hawkins is a principal enemy, and that he threatens that whosoever comes to treat, whether English or Indians they will knock them on the head. They are a company of young men, 30 in a company. They have a special design on Maj. Waldron and Peter Coffin, and under pretonce of trade intends to surprise them and that speedily. I am much afraid, if there be no speedy course taken their company will increase. I must beg excuse for my absence to-day, for by the providence of God I am detained. God direct.
   Your humble servant,

THOMAS DANFORTH.

   N. B. I entreat that Maj. Waldron have speedy notice; better to send on purpose than not at all.
   The Governor and Council most unaccountably and reprehensibly, seem to have taken no notice of this information until the 27th of Jnne, when they passed the following order.
   "Considering the present danger of an assault by the Indians, on the county of Middlesex, it is ordered that John Philips, Esq. be commander in chief of the lower regiment, and Maj. Tho. Hinchman, of the upper regiment in Middlesex, and so continue till an orderly nomination of Majors can be made for the said regiments.

Consented to by the Governor and Council, ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'y.

   June 27, 1689.
   They then despatched a Mr. Weare to Cocheco with a letter disclosing the Indian plot as follows:

"Boston, June 27, 1689.

   Hon'ble Sir,
   The Governor and Council having this day received a letter from Major Hinchman of Chelmsford, informing that some Indians are come in unto them who report, that there is a gathering of some Indians in or about Penecooke with designs of mischief to the English. Among these said Indians one Hawkins is said to be a principal designer; and that they have a particular design against yourself and Mr. Peter Coffin.
   The Council thought it necessary to send you advice thereof, and to give you notice, that you may take care of your safeguard; they intending to endeavor to betray you on a pretention of trade. Please forthwith to signify the import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others as you may think necessary, and advise of what information you may at any time receive of the Indian's motions.
By order of Council,

ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'y.

For Maj. Waldron and Mr. Peter Coffin, or either of them at Cochecha. These with all possible speed."

Some delay of Mr. Weare at the ferry at Newbury, prevented his arrival at Cocheco till the 25th of June, after the threatened attack upon the Garrison had been consummated, and the vengeance of the Indians fully satisfied by the torture and death of Major Waldron, and the killing and capturing of fifty-two men women and children, and the burning of six houses, and the mills of the settlement.

This surprisal took place on the night of June 27, 1689, and was executed with great adroitness; and shows that Kancamagus was a warrior of skill, and that his assistants were men of coolness in a time of much peril. Mesandowit was feasted at Waldron's table the evening previous, and foreshadowed the impending attack with the greatest coolness, by asking of his host "What he should do if the strange Indians should come!"

The asking of this question shows that the threats of the strange Indians were well known to Waldron--and the reply tbat "he could assemble an hundred men by lifting his finger," shows that he had schooled his feelings into the most perfect security.

Dr. Belknap has related the circumstances of this massacre with much of minuteness, as follows:

"In that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses: three on the north side, viz. Waldron's Otis' and Heard's; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with timber-walls, the gates of which, as well as the house doors, were secured with bolts and bars.

The neighboring families retired to these houses by night; but by an unaccountable negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily passing through the town, visiting and trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints of a mischievous design had been given out by their squaws; but in such dark and ambiguous terms, that no one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the people were uneasy; but Waldron, who, from a long course of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect them, was now so thoroughly secure, that when some of the people hinted their fears to him, he merrily bade them to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that he would tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening before the mischief was done, being told by a young man that the town was full of Indians and the people were much concerned; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there was no danger.

The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening, and ask leave to lodge by the fire; that in the night when the people were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle; upon which, the strange Indians, who were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the evening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the younger Coffin's, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to open the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's garrison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. The squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were coming to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit while at supper, with his usual familiarity, said, 'Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?' The major carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family retired to rest. When all was quiet, the gates were opened, and the signal was given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was an inner room. Awakened by the noise, he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them with his sword, through two or three doors; but as he was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, and stunned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, "Who shall judge Indians now?" They then obliged the people in the house to get them some victuals; and when they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each one with a stroke, saying, "I cross out my account." They then cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his mouth; and when spent with the loss of blood, he was fast falling down from the table, one of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to his misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee but took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the major's met with the same fate; he was killed, with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog just as the Indians were entering: -Elder Wentworth, who was awakened by the noise, pushed them out, and falling on his back, set his feet against the gate and held it till he had alarmed the people; two balls were fired through it, but both missed him. Coffin's house was surprised, but as the Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of his family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house. Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on the floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it. They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promising him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to defend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his resolution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners; but whilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped. Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty-nine were captivated; five or six houses, with the mills, were burned; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of there plot, that before the people could be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, they fired upon it; but the people being prepared and resolved to defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The preservation of its owner was more remarkable.

Elizabeth Heard, with her three sons and a daughter, and some others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They passed up the river in their boats unpercieved by the Indians, who were then in possession of the houses but suspecting danger by the noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which they imagined were set up for direction to those who might be seeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for admission; but no answer being given, a young man of the company climbed up the wall, and saw to his inexpressible surprise, an Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The woman was so overcome with fright that she was unable to fly; but begged her children to shift for themselves; and they with heavy hearts, left her. When she had a little recovered, she crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand; he looked at her and went away; returning, he looked at her again; and she asked him what he would have; he made no answer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more. She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians were gone; and then returning home, found her own house safe. Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more remarkable if (as it is supposed) it was an instance of justice and gratitude in the Indians. For at that time when the four hundred were seszed in 1676, a young Indian escaped and took refuge in her house, where she concealed him; in return for which kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of her family in any future war, and that he would use his influence with the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was one of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known to the most of them.

The boldness--skill and success of the attack and massacre, filled the colonies with amazement. The leader, John Hogkins was outlawed by the General Court of Massachusetts and a price set upon his head. Capt. Noyes with a party of soldiers, was sent to Pennacook, but the Pennacooks had fled and the soldiers found nothing but some corn, which they destroyed. Another party under Capt. John Wincol, marched to lake Winnepesaukee, where they killed one or two Indians, and destroyed their corn. The whole frontiers were in a state of alarm and excitement. The Indians hovered about in this neighborhood for some time, and soon after made an attack upon the settlement at Oyster River.

But most of the Indians engaged in the expedition against Cocheco made directly for Canada, and hence eluded all pursuit. In September following, the fort upon the Amariscoggin was attacked by Capt. Church. It was called Worombo's fort. In it was the sister of Kancamagus, his brother in law, his wife and his children, but the wily Pennacook was not found. His sister was slain, while his wife and two children were made prisoners. His brother in law was also taken, but escaped. The capture of his wife and childrgn exasperated Kancamagus, and on the 21st of the same month, he with Worombo, attacked Church at Casco, and fighting with desperation, were not beaten back till much hard fighting, and seven of Church's party had been killed, and twenty-four wounded. It is probable that his wife and children were returned, for in 1691, the year following their captivity, Kancamagus was one of the Sagamons who formed the truce at "Sackatehock," which was to continue until May 1692. Kancamagus doubtless, stipulated for Pennacook, Winnepesaukee, Ossipee and Pequauquauke. We find no mention made of Katicamagus after the truce of 1691, and think it most probable that he died soon after that event, for if he had been alive during the remainder of "King William's War," which ended in 1698, or during "Queen Anne's War" which lasted from 1703 to 1712, this fierce and warlike Sagamon, would have been engaged in some of the conflicts of those times.

Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, was a brave and politic Chief, and in view of what he accomplished, at the head of a mere remnant of a once powerful tribe, it may be considered a most fortunate circumstance for the English colonists, that he was not at the head of the tribe, at an earlier period, before it had been shorn of its strength, during the old age of Passaconnaway, and the peaceful and inactive reign of Wonnalancet. And even had Kancamagus have succeeded to the Sagamonship ten years earlier than he did, so that his acknowledged abilities for counsel and war, could have been united with those of Philip, history might have chronicled another story then the inglorious death of the Sagamon of Mount Hope, in the swamp of Pokanoket; or the success of his renowned conqueror, Major Church.

After the affair at Cocheco, in which the warlike portion of the Pennacooks were first and foremost, they made but little tarry in this neighborhood. Some of Wonnalancet's adherents, ever peaceably disposed, were scattered at various points up and down the Merrimack, few in numbers, dragging out a precarious existence in hunting and fishing and scanty tillage. But Kancamagus and his followers quit the valley of the Merrimack entirely, joining the bands at the sources of the Saco, Amariscoggin and Connecticut, or retiring among their friends at St. Francis. Thus the royal residence of the Pennacook Sagamons at Namaoskeag became comparatively deserted. At Dunstable, a few Indians remained while "Lovewell's fight" in 1725, and at Namaoskeag and Pennacook, quite a number remained for some years after that event. Among others there was Christian, a well known Indian who lived at Namaoskeag and in this neighborhood as late as 1745. His name was Christian, which was shortened to Christo and Christi. Christo was one of the "praying Indians" and hence doubtless his name. Christo lived at Namaoskeag, upon the bank of a little brook that empties into the Merrimack, from the east, just below the Namaoskeag Falls, and which is now known as Christian's Brook. Here he had his residence, living by fishing and hunting, and upon the most friendly terms with the whites.

He was accused at length of rendering assistance to his brethren in time of war, but with how much of truth we are not able to state, as this charge was usually brought against the "praying Indians," by certain prejudiced persons, whether they were guilty or not. Tradition says, that Christo was suspected of being in the battle of Pequauquauke, assisting his countrymen, and that soon after that battle, the people from Dunstable and Haverhill came up to Namaoskeag to wreak their vengence upon him, and not finding him at home, they destroyed his wigwam. But whether this act of destroying his wigwam was soon after the fight at Pequauquauke, or at a later period, we have no means of determining.

Of one thing, however, there is no doubt,--his wigwam was destroyed by the whites, and because of their enmity towards him or his people. And it is probable that tradition is true as to the time of the event, as Gov. Dummer in a letter to Col. Tyng of Dunstable, of that date, expressed a wish that a certain "Indian of note" whom he sent to him, "should march with him in company with Christian" to bury the dead who fell in the battle at Pequauquauke. And it is probable, that when the expedition came to Namaoskeag, Christo may have been absent from his wigwam, and this fact was turned to his disadvantage, and resulted in the valiant expedition from Dunstable and Haverhill against him, wherein his wigwam was burned. But it is more than probable, that this attempt upon Christo's life, and the destruction of his property, was a complete outrage, and that their suspicions of his fidelity to the English at that time, were entirely groundless. This is made apparent, from the fact, that Christo was afterwards in the confidence of the government, and in the subsequent Indian wars, was employed as a scout, his name appearing upon the rolls of the day repeatedly at Canterbury, and his pay having been allowed by the Legislature, as late as 1745, as appears by the following bill.--

The Province of New Hampshire to Jeremiah Clough, Dr. To keeping Christo by order of
the Captain General, 30 days
from the 19th of Dec. to the
19th of Jan., 1745.

Voted that Capt. Clough be allowed twenty-two shill. and six pence, billetting of ye Indian named Christo, from ye 19th Dec. to ye 19th Jany., and ye sd. Christo for his wages for sd Time, twenty six shill. and nine pence--to be pd out of ye money brot into ye treasury last yeas by Provl Tax for defraying ye charge of ye Government.

June 20 1745
In Council read and concurred.
Eodem Die assented to

After this period, for reasons that have not transpired, Christo seems to have retired to St. Francis with others of his tribe, and to have reckoned himself as a St. Francis Indian, and to have been hostile to the English. In 1747, in company with Sabatis and Plausawa, Christo assisted in the capture of Mrs. McCoy at Epsom, and in burning McCoy's house, and it is possible, that he was of the party that made an attack at Suncook, now Pembroke, and about the same time, killed some cattle, and one Estabrook, at Rumford.

And again, in 1752, in company with Sabatis, (a corruption of Jean Baptiste,) Christo came to Canterbury, where tbey were treated in a friendly manner for about a month, saying they were from St. Francis, and when they left the place, they seized upon two negroes belonging to the people who had entertained them, and carried them away. One escaped, and told who his captors were, while the other they sold at Crown Point.

Christo probably died at St. Francis. The last we hear of him is in the summer of 1757, when Moses Jackman, a captive taken at Canterbury, in June of that year, and who knew Christo well, saw him at or near St. Francis, and was recognized by him.

The spot occupied by Christo's wigwam at Amoskeag Falls, is now shown, where the ashes of his hearth stone, his pipes, arrow heads, and ornaments consisting of bear's teeth, together with his tomahawk, have been ploughed up within the memory of the present generation. And his tomahawk, an iron one, with an eye like that of a hoe, and without any head, is still in possession of the former proprietors of the soil.

Transcriber's Notes--I had to take liberty with the "marks" because of technology.

                       

Chapter 5
History of Manchester
Hillsborough County
ALHN-New Hampshire
Created August 15, 2000
Copyright 2000